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power politics

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power politics 強權政治。

強權政治。 “power“ 中文翻譯：   n. 1.力，力量；能力；體力，精力；(生理)機能；〔常 ...“politics“ 中文翻譯：   n. 1.〔作單數用〕政治學；政治。 2.〔作復數用〕政 ...“politics power“ 中文翻譯：   和政治權力“power of politics“ 中文翻譯：   強權政治“big power politics“ 中文翻譯：   大國強權政治“great-power politics“ 中文翻譯：   大國政治, 大國外交“hegemonism and power politics“ 中文翻譯：   霸權主義和強權政治; 霸權主義強權政治“play secret diplomacy and power politics“ 中文翻譯：   玩弄秘密外交和強權政治“politics“ 中文翻譯：   n. 1.〔作單數用〕政治學；政治。 2.〔作復數用〕政界；行政工作；政治運動；戰略，政策；政見；政治關系；政治斗爭；利害，動機，目的。 3.〔作單數用〕經營，管理。 4.〔作復數用〕政綱，政見。 lunar politics 不切實際的問題。 power politics 強權政治。 engaged in politics 從事政治活動。 It is not practical politics. 這沒有再談論的價值。 play politics 耍陰謀詭計，為自己打算。 with [put] politics in command 政治領先。 “a criminal politics“ 中文翻譯：   黑獅行動“a newcomer to politics“ 中文翻譯：   政界的新人“adversarial politics“ 中文翻譯：   對立形式的政治制度; 反對派系政治“aestheticization of politics“ 中文翻譯：   政治的美學化“appraisal politics“ 中文翻譯：   評價政治學“clean politics“ 中文翻譯：   廉潔政治“clique politics“ 中文翻譯：   集團政治“communal politics“ 中文翻譯：   社會政治學。 “comparative politics“ 中文翻譯：   比較政治學“confrontational politics“ 中文翻譯：   對抗式政治“consensus politics“ 中文翻譯：   輿論政治“cultural politics“ 中文翻譯：   文化政治學“current politics“ 中文翻譯：   時政“department of politics“ 中文翻譯：   政治系“diaspora politics“ 中文翻譯：   散政治“dip into politics“ 中文翻譯：   涉獵政治

power series

According to the research of gandhi , sen , and spivak who are indian scholars by origin , this paper pointed out the common ground of them as follows : they all cared about the future of their motherland and all sympathized with the poor people and subject mass ; based on the understanding of power politics and humanism which are the two essences of the west , they had critical attitudes to the way how the west think and the westen intellectual 摘要通過對甘地、森、斯皮瓦克這三位印度血統的學者進行考察，可以看出他們的共同點在于始終關注祖國的未來，同情貧窮人民與弱勢群體；出于對西方強權政治和人文主義兩方面本質的理解，他們對西方的思考方式和西方知識分子持批判態度。

Under the guidance of scientific socialism , the author makes a historical and dialectical analysis of the openness and “ power politics “ thought embodied in international copyright protection convention and the western legislation , expounds the characteristics and deficiency of chinese legal system regarding copyright protection and probes into the global question concerning network copyright protection 本文以科學社會主義理論為指導，歷史地辯證地分析了版權保護的國際公約和西方國家立法所體現的時代性和開放性特征及其“強權政治”思想：論述了我國版權法制的特色與不足，在相互借鑒與互動中探討了網絡時代版權法律保護這一具有全球性、現實性和虛擬性的課題。

In addition , u . s . has effectively controlled the imf and wb , and push power politics with the help of these two organizations . to grasp more and more rights in international affaires and the international financial organizations , the europe and japan have promoted the financial liberalization in their own countries and thus will lift the financial globalization into a higher level 另外，美國牢牢地控制著國際金融機構世界貨幣基金組織（ internationalmonetaryfund , imf ）和世界銀行（ worldbank , wb ） ，利用其對國際金融機構的控制權在國際上推行強權政治，主導金融全球化進程。

Out of this , it clarifies the history localization of sovereignty and the restrict from the international law on the exertion of sovereignty , analysis the realistic challenges from the aspects of power politics , international organization , modern technology revolution and economic globalization 古典主權理論是適應資產階級革命需要的；而現當代國家主權理論也反映了強國和弱國不同的利益需求，強國為了實現對世界秩序的主導堅持相對主權論、否定和干涉主權論，而弱國、小國為了保護自己的利益，則堅持絕對主權。

Scholars abroad ( especially european and american scholars ) , on one hand study the power balance theory from the point of view of absolute national interests . when they were studying this theory , they considered pragmatism the home to return to and utilized the thought of strong power politics to lead the direction of study 國外學者（主要是歐美學者） ，一方面，他們對平衡論（或均勢論）的研究是從絕對的國家利益觀出發，以實用主義為歸宿和用強權政治思想為指導來進行展開的。

The ideology of the containment school includes the following points : china ’ s military threat caused by china ’ s military modernization ; the clash of civilization between china and the united states ; the tragedy of great power politics between the two countries ; the threat of made in china ; and the crisis of energy between the two countries , etc . “遏制派”的基本思想分別包括:中國的軍事現代化帶來的“中國軍事威脅論” ,中美“文明沖突論” ,中美“大國政治的悲劇” , “中國制造”威脅論,中美能源危機論。

Although the current literatures , which generally build on the framework of power politics or the relationship of great powers , provide a good analysis of the phenomemon of multipolarization as a change of the international structure , these researches can not sufficiently explain the inherent relation between the development of multipolarization in international politics and the establishment of a newo international order . however , it “ s a problem needed to understand explicitly , if china claims that the new international order will be reconstructed in light of the idea of multipolarization 現有文獻一般是立足實力政治或大國關系的框架來研究多極化，盡管這些研究對作為一種國際格局變化的多極化現象提供了很好的分析，但卻未能充分解釋國際政治的多極化發展與國際新秩序建立之間的內在關系，而這是中國主張以多極化理念重構國際秩序所必需認識清楚的問題。

Correct measures are essential to carry out the peoples equality and development policy and pertinent religion policy in the multi - nation - state ; to form a correct concept of people and to publicize correct ethos by combining nationalism with patriotism ; to prevent and expose the western countries “ factionalism on the peoples issues to the multi - nation - state ; to set down the active and effective measures aimed at the terrorist character of the peoples separatist forces . due to the pervading existence of the peoples separatist forces in the world , different countries need to reach the common conclusion to strike the peoples separatist forces ; to cut the capital resources of the peoples separatist forces and terrorist activities , to root out the basement of them , with the lead of un , strike the international support to them ; besides , different countries should strengthen nation security protection , form a new concept of national security , get international and organizing cooperation and get rid of every form of hegemony and power politics 在民族國家內部應正確實施民族平等團結、各民族共同發展的民族政策及相關的宗教政策；樹立正確的民族觀，把民族主義與愛國主義相結合，進行正確的民族主義思想理論宣傳；防止和揭露西方國家對其他多民族國家實行的民族分裂政策；針對民族分離主義恐怖主義活動的特點，制定出積極、有效的防范措施。由于民族分離主義勢力在世界范圍內具有普遍性，因此，各國應求同存異，尋求打擊民族分離主義及恐怖主義活動的國際共識；切斷民族分離主義分子進行民族分離活動和恐怖活動的資金來源，鏟除國際民族分離主義活動的基地，并充分發揮聯合國主導作用，打擊國際不法組織和個別國家對恐怖活動的支持；此外，各國還應共同加強國家安全工作，樹立新的國家安全觀，進行有組織的國際安全合作，戒除一切形式的霸權主義、強權政治。

These include the unsolved problem of the rights to subsistence and development denied over i billion people worldwide , the hegemonies and power politics still rampant , an unfair economic order still lacking in rectification , as well as problems still uncontrolled like racism , terrorism , drug trafficking and environmental pollution 如世界還有成十億人的生存權、發展權沒有解決，霸權主義、強權政治仍在肆虐，不公正的經濟秩序沒有改變，種族歧視、恐怖主義、販運毒品、環境污染等繼續蔓延。

This considered , the “ once - ness “ then is , as nietzsche asserts and benjamin clarifies , not lifeless suppression of the past , nor the vital will to power or power politics that can be represented simply as “ revenge “ as nietzsche deems ; rather , it shows itself as a kind of “ salvation “ , a kind of departing from the past , a kind of “ promise “ once made in human memory 因而“曾經”不是無生命力的過去壓力（如尼采所批判的和本雅明所清理的） ；也不是簡單轉化為復仇的有生命力的權力意志即強權政治（如尼采所一廂情愿的） ；而是走出復仇的拯救即走出過去時的“記憶”中的“曾經”的“承諾” 。

Chapter two makes a detailed analysis of the system of wight ’ s international political theories including his thoughts on christian theology and power politics , historical research of the system of states , the restructuring of the traditions of the international theory , his ethical thinking on the international theories , and his historical and philosophical methodology 第2章則詳細介紹了懷特國際政治理論的內容體系,即懷特的基督教神學思想和權力政治觀、國家體系的歷史研究、對國際關系理論傳統的劃分、對國際關系的倫理思考以及懷特研究國際政治所采用的歷史?哲學研究方法。

Specifically speaking , de gaulle ' s balanced - diplomatic strategy embodies in the following two sides : seen from the point of view of theoretical value , it makes the connotation more plentiful than the similar kind of strategies beforehand ; another , concerning the practical value of this theory , the utilization of diplomatic strategy of power balance to sustain national interests is the right strategy that can be chosen to put into practice at proper time when strong power politics and hegemonies still flood on political stage 具體說來，戴高樂平衡外交戰略的價值主要體現在以下兩個方面：首先，就其理論價值來說，它豐富了以往均勢外交戰略的內涵；其次，就其實踐價值來說，當強權政治和霸權主義還充斥于國際政治舞臺上時，利用均勢外交戰略來維護國家利益仍不失為一種可供選擇的戰略。

Analyzing the characters , the thesis believes that the post cold - war international interference coincide with the characters as disaggregation of the bipolar pattern , strengthening of the situation of mutual dependence , cooperation of the entire world and the correspondence of the powers . it contains more rational elements and plays a positive role , but its negative elements abound because of the hegemony and power politics 在分析特征的同時，筆者認為，冷戰后的國際干預與兩極格局解體、相互依存態勢增強、整個世界出現合作與大國協調特征相一致，所蘊含的理性因素大大增加，發揮了積極作用，但由于霸權主義、強權政治的影響，其消極因素也大量存在。

However , previous politic conflicts have n ' t yet quieted down , present ones are still happening and potential ones may take place sometime somewhere in the future . since china has n ' t completed its unity , and hegemonism and power politics will never stop challenging the enduring limits of the chinese people and its government , china ' s security is still not so optimistic 但是，國際政治中原有的沖突尚未平息，現有的沖突正在發生，潛在的沖突有可能在以后的某個時間、某個地點爆發；中國的統一大業尚未完成，霸權主義、強權政治不會停止挑戰中國政府和人民的承受底線，中國的安全環境不容樂觀。

In keeping with the spirit of the un charter and the five principles of peaceful coexistence , china has all along stood for the development of diplomatic relations and economic and cultural exchanges with all countries and against aggression , hegemony and power politics 中國長期堅持在《聯合國憲章》精神及和平共處五項原則的基礎上，同各國發展外交關系和經濟文化交流；堅持反對侵略戰爭、霸權主義和強權政治。

There were three reasons . first , the big powers carried out the power politics and were unwilling to give up the privileges and interests in china . second , the peking government and the nanking government did not dare t 盡管20年代的民間外交收效不豐，但其間所表現的堅韌民氣和中華民族不甘屈服的精神，激勵著國人繼續為廢除不平等條約，反對日本、美國等列強干涉、壓迫中國，建立新中國而奔走吶喊、艱苦奮斗。

Therefore , to develop its diplomacy in a new century , china should n ' t ignore the existence of hegemonism or loosen the caution against power politics , especially ca n ' t give up its anti - hegemonism principle and position 因此，新世紀的中國外交決不應忽視霸權主義的存在，也不能放松對強權政治的警惕，更不可以放棄反霸的原則和立場。

Based on chapter two , chapter three summarizes three characteristics of wight ’ s international political theories : the power politics of christian theology , a profound sense of history , and a strong moral sense 在此章的基礎上,第3章總結了懷特國際政治理論的三個特點:神學的權力政治觀、深厚的歷史感和濃厚的道德倫理色彩。

However , as long as hegemonism and power politics still exist , a country must have the capability to defend its sovereignty , unity , territorial integrity and security by military means 但是，在霸權主義和強權政治依然存在的情況下，國家必須具有用軍事手段捍衛主權、統一、領土完整和安全的能力。